Jumat, 27 September 2019

Prince Harry in southern Africa: Where are the world's landmines? - BBC News

As part of his tour of southern Africa, Prince Harry is visiting Angola, to highlight continuing efforts to remove and destroy landmines.

He follows in the footsteps of his mother, Princess Diana, who in 1997 also walked through a partially-cleared minefield. The images of her trip became world famous.

Landmines continue to take thousands of lives in dozens of countries. So where in the world are they and what progress has been made?

How Harry is following his mother's lead

The princess was known for her charity work, championing causes which weren't always in the public eye. She had previously opened the UK's first HIV/Aids clinic in 1987, for example. That helped to change attitudes to the virus.

Raising awareness of landmines was the princess's first major cause after divorcing the Prince of Wales in 1996.

For decades landmines had been widely used in conflict.

Many unexploded devices left over from wars were killing and maiming people who stepped or triggered the bombs unintentionally.

Images of her with amputees in Angola showed the destruction the devices were causing.

During his trip, Prince Harry described landmines as "an unhealed scar of war".

What are landmines and how many people do they kill and injure?

Landmines are explosives. They have detonating systems that are triggered by contact and are usually buried just under the ground, or above it.

There are two main types: anti-personnel landmines, aimed at killing or injuring a person, and anti-tank mines, designed to destroy or incapacitate vehicles.

Mines were used in World War One, but their deployment proliferated from the 1960s onwards.

Countries with highest number of casualties from mines in 2017

The random placement of mines became part of military strategy, creating hazardous environments for many people. About 60 countries and territories are still contaminated with anti-personnel mines.

More than 120,000 people were killed or injured by landmines between 1999-2017, according to research by Landmine Monitor.

Nearly half of the victims are children, with 84% being boys. Civilians make up 87% of casualties.

Which countries have the most landmines?

Around the world, thousands of landmines remain.

Angola is one of the most mined places in the world, because of the civil war there from 1975 to 2002.

The demining charity Halo says it is impossible to know exactly how many mines are in the country, but it has decommissioned almost 100,000 since 1994.

The Angolan mine authority says there are approximately 1,200 minefields.

Removing mines is a costly and dangerous task. At current rates, it would be likely to take hundreds of years to eradicate them completely around the world.

Other territories with large areas covered in mines are Chad, Afghanistan, Cambodia, Thailand, Azerbaijan, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Turkey, Iraq, Yemen and Western Sahara.

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What is being done to prevent landmines killing more people?

Princess Diana's involvement in the anti-mine cause involved a call for a global ban on mines.

In 1997, just three months after her death, 122 countries signed the Ottawa Treaty, that prohibits the use, production, stockpiling and transfer of anti-personnel mines.

Countries are also obliged to clear minefields within 10 years of signing up and to destroy stockpiles within four years.

There are now 164 countries bound by it - including the UK. However, the US, China, India and Russia - which is thought to have the largest stockpile - are among the 32 United Nations members that have not signed it.

Clearance of anti-personnel mines around the world

Most states have not met their deadlines and mines are still being planted.

The continuing use of anti-personnel mines has been reported in Myanmar (formerly known as Burma), which has not signed up to the treaty.

Non-government forces also use them, such as militants Boko Haram which have been placing improvised landmines in north-eastern Nigeria since 2014.

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https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-49799292

2019-09-27 09:00:11Z
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Calls to cancel New York Times subscriptions emerge over report identifying Trump whistleblower - Fox News

Calls to cancel subscriptions to the New York Times reached fever pitch on Thursday night following outrage over the newspaper’s decision to identify the Trump whistleblower as a CIA official.

In an article published earlier Thursday, the Times revealed that the whistleblower at the center of a political showdown in Washington is a male CIA officer who had previously been detailed to the White House.

The “exclusive details” were revealed in a report based on corroborated accounts of three unnamed sources, not the whistleblower himself.

The whistleblower filed a formal nine-page complaint accusing the White House of covering up a July phone call between President Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, in which Trump asked the foreign leader to investigate former Vice President Joe Biden’s son, Hunter Biden.

The Times’ identification claims to be the most publicly known information about the whistleblower. The paper’s decision was largely rebuked online, even becoming the number one trending topic with the hashtag #CancelNYT.

TRUMP SLAMS MAINSTREAM MEDIA AS 'SCUM' AND 'ANIMALS' DURING PRIVATE EVENT, CRITICIZES WHISTLEBLOWER: REPORT

“Y’all really doxxed the whistleblower? If anything happens to him/her, it’s on you, #CancelNYT,” tweeted one person.

“Our country’s heroes are worth far more than clicks and views. Doxxing the whistleblower endangers the individual’s life, which is especially heinous considering the whistleblower went through proper government channels. The NYT protects Trump sources better than this. #CancelNYT,” wrote Dr. Eugene Gu.

In addition to canceling subscriptions, others even called for the firing of Times’ executive editor Dean Baquet.

"Dean Baquet should absolutely lose his job over this. Quickly. The damage to the whistleblower's safety is already done, but @nytimes must condemn this decision to protect future sources & whistleblowers. This cannot be left as an acceptable precedent. #CancelNYT," Twitter user @KristinMinkDC wrote.

Baquet responded to the criticism in an article published Thursday night saying the Times decided to publish “limited information” about the whistleblower to give him credibility against Trump’s claims that the unidentified person was a “political hack job.”

“The president and some of his supporters have attacked the credibility of the whistle-blower, who has presented information that has touched off a landmark impeachment proceeding,” Baquet said. “We wanted to provide information to readers that allows them to make their own judgments about whether or not he is credible.”

REPUBLICANS WANT WHISTLEBLOWER'S SOURCES, AS INCONSISTENCIES IN COMPLAINT EMERGE

Critics online appeared unfazed by those who defended the paper, such as Times contributing writer Wajahat Ali, who called on the public to “reconsider” their decision to cancel their subscriptions.

“It employs fantastic journalists & breaks important stories. It's also under direct assault from Trump & his supporters,” he tweeted. “I write for them but I also publicly disagree w/ some decisions, like today's. Yet, the good far outweighs the bad.”

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Many online expressed that they had enough with the Old Gray Lady, which had caught backlash for a string of editorial gaffes including a report last week on sexual assault allegations against Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh.

The supposed bombshell piece failed to mention that the alleged victim refused to be interviewed and did not recall the purported sexual assault.

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https://www.foxnews.com/media/cancel-new-york-times-subscriptions-trump-whistleblower

2019-09-27 06:22:51Z
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Kamis, 26 September 2019

Jacques Chirac, French President Who Championed European Identity, Is Dead at 86 - The New York Times

Jacques Chirac, who molded the legacy of Charles de Gaulle into a personal power base that made him one of the dominant leaders of France across three decades and a vocal advocate of European unity, died on Thursday. He was 86.

His death was confirmed by the Fondation Chirac in Paris.

Mr. Chirac was elected to two consecutive terms as president, beginning in 1995, having already served as prime minister under centrist and Socialist presidents.

At his death, he was most remembered for his defiant stand against the United States-led war in Iraq, his ability to preside over a state in which power was divided between the left and the right — comity that is hardly imaginable today — and his championing the European Union.

His vision, he argued in 2000, was “not for a United States of Europe, but for a United Europe of States.”

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CreditJean-Claude Francolon/Gamma-Rapho, via Getty Images

Mr. Chirac had also been a highly visible mayor of Paris for 18 years, using that office as a springboard into national politics. Only years later would his mayoralty emerge as the source of a damaged reputation: In 2011, he was convicted of embezzlement and misusing public funds to finance his political party while running the city.

Historically, French politicians have seldom been tarnished by their financial peccadilloes, and that was the case with Mr. Chirac: He received a two-year suspended sentence, with his legacy largely intact. His presidency is generally recalled warmly in France, with many saying that he represented the nation well and in a manner that was “presidential.”

Pascal Perrineau, a professor of political science at the Paris School of International Affairs, a part of Sciences Po, said there were three main reasons for Mr. Chirac’s popularity. One was that he was able “to implant the idea of a president who is an ordinary person: a president who goes jogging, a president who rides a Vespa.”

“Second, he was able to bridge the left-right divide,” Professor Perrineau added. And third, “he presided over France in a relatively good time.”

To his opponents, Mr. Chirac — a tall, energetic, loquacious, but not quite eloquent man — was a political chameleon, able to adjust his policies according to his reading of what voters wanted (which did not make him much different from other French politicians of his day). But almost all agreed that he was basically a conservative, suspicious of the country’s powerful leftist labor unions and friendly to private enterprise.

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As president, Mr. Chirac drifted away from a Gaullist belief in French self-sufficiency. Rather, he pressed hard for a new federal Europe, with the European Union assuming more and more power and, over time, eroding the sovereignty of member states.

His goal was the same as that of all post-World War II French leaders, including Charles de Gaulle and François Mitterrand: to prevent another war by hugging Germany — fraternally and self-protectively — in a tight economic and political union.

Yet when it came time to vote on a new constitution for Europe, a step that would have cemented the union, he did not campaign for it convincingly, and it lost in France, presaging the difficulties that the European Union would face in later years.

Before taking control of the Gaullist party in 1976, Mr. Chirac dallied with the Communist and Socialist Parties. But as an energetic young bureaucrat, he became the favorite of President Georges Pompidou, who had been de Gaulle’s anointed successor in 1969. A year earlier, Mr. Chirac had approved of the government crackdown on the student riots and the occupation of the Sorbonne, although he had no official role in it.

As mayor of Paris, starting in 1977, he had a spotlighted stage from which to begin a national political career. With a huge staff and budget, he kept the city humming with festivals and exhibitions.

He boasted of an array of international acquaintances, describing Saddam Hussein and the Chinese leader, Deng Xiaoping, as his friends. He often upstaged his own president or prime minister, welcoming prominent guests like Pope John Paul II, President Ronald Reagan and the Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev and giving lavish dinners at City Hall.

By the time he left the mayor’s office in 1995, there was increasing evidence that corruption and political skulduggery had been widespread during his tenure. But despite his later conviction in court, there were no allegations while he was in office that he had enriched himself. There were suspicions, however, that he must have been aware of the corrupt schemes of his associates, particularly of Jean Tiberi, who succeeded him as mayor.

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Mr. Chirac had a ferocious temper. At a French-British summit meeting in 1988, when Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher sought a cut in French agricultural subsidies, her obstinacy prompted an obscene outburst from Mr. Chirac. Even French-speaking Britons in the room had to consult their dictionaries to determine just how gravely he had insulted her. The next day, the British tabloid The Sun demanded in a banner headline, “Say Sorry, Rude Frog!”

But it was an otherwise winning popular touch that endeared Mr. Chirac to the French. An article in the newspaper Libération, which was often critical of him, conceded, “Even those who do not like him can acknowledge that the president of the Republic is a warm, demonstrative man, quick to become involved in individual problems and to help those hit by trouble.”

Much of the work he did to help the handicapped, with foundations and facilities, went deliberately unpublicized. “He had this incredible capacity to be interested in other people,” Professor Perrineau said. “I saw him follow the dossier of people who were ill, and he never wanted them to know it.”

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In 2000, Mr. Chirac wrote that “people more and more have the feeling that their governments are cut off from their daily lives.”

“That is why I travel as often as possible to all parts of France,” he added, “to listen to people about their worries, their hopes.”

Jacques René Chirac was born in the Latin Quarter of Paris on Nov. 29, 1932, a few years after his father, Abel, then a minor bank official, and his mother, Marie Louise Valette, had moved to the capital from a village in central France.

In Paris, as his father began to rise as a banker, Jacques, then an only child, was spoiled by his mother, whose first child had died in infancy eight years before Jacques’s birth. When he came home from school he would find a piece of candy she had left out for him, its wrapper already opened to save him the trouble. She would ask visitors to wear white shirts, believing they were less likely to carry germs into the house and imperil her son.

In their apartment on the fashionable Rue de Seine, his father, who thought Jacques was lazy at school, would force him to listen to readings from Marcel Pagnol, Charles Baudelaire and Victor Hugo. Jacques went on to an elite secondary school in St. Cloud, west of Paris.

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By the start of World War II, his father was a key adviser to Marcel Bloch, a founder of the aircraft maker Dassault, which produced the Mystère and Mirage fighter planes.

In 1950, at 18, Jacques went to sea on a tramp steamer running coal between Dunkirk, France, and Algiers, the capital of the rebellious French colony of Algeria. Encouraged by the captain, he began studying to become a merchant marine officer. But a few months later, his father showed up at the Dunkirk dock and took him home to enter the National School of Political Science, one of France’s most prestigious colleges.

As a student, Mr. Chirac attended a summer course at Harvard in 1953 and worked at a Howard Johnson’s in Boston, starting as a dishwasher and working his way up to counterman. He became engaged to a Radcliffe woman, whose father wrote him an angry letter telling him, basically, to get lost. From there, Mr. Chirac went to California and Louisiana, writing a long paper on the Port of New Orleans.

On his return to Paris, he became engaged to his longtime girlfriend, Bernadette Chodron de Courcel, who was from a wealthy family in Corrèze, southwestern France. They were married, and she was later elected a regional councilor.

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Their younger daughter, Claude, became her father’s communications director when he won the presidency. Mrs. Chirac and Claude survive, as does a grandson. An elder daughter, Laurence, died in April 2016 after at least one suicide attempt.

In the late 1950s, Mr. Chirac attended the National School of Administration, which has produced several prime ministers, and did well there. He then obtained an army commission and became a lieutenant in charge of a unit of 32 men that saw combat in the Algerian war for independence. In one instance he helped rescue an ambushed unit.

The war was a defining experience. “For me,’’ he said in 1975, “it was a time of very great freedom” adding, “involved in the life of the men I commanded, it was the only time I had the feeling of command.”

Back in civilian life, he took a job in the main government accounting office, where he caught the attention of Mr. Pompidou, then the prime minister. He called Mr. Chirac “my bulldozer.”

“If I told Chirac that this tree is putting me in the shade,” he said, “he would cut it down in five minutes.”

By 1974, Mr. Chirac had become a member of Parliament and a rising star in the faltering Gaullist party, which had been leaderless since the retirement of de Gaulle in 1969.

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President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, a centrist, made Mr. Chirac prime minister, heading a government coalition of rightist and centrist parties. But the style of the two clashed. Mr. Giscard d’Estaing was an aristocratic intellectual, Mr. Chirac a less-polished, hard-driving politician. He quit as prime minister in 1976 and began his own march toward the presidency.

The first task was to weaken Mr. Giscard d’Estaing. He did this by competing with him for right-center votes in the first round of the 1981 presidential election. The split helped elect the Socialist candidate, Mr. Mitterrand, who served two seven-year terms, until 1994.

Mr. Mitterrand’s ambitious socialist agenda, including nationalizing banks and major industries, largely failed, leading the center-right to take control of the national legislature in 1986. Mr. Mitterrand was forced to name a center-right prime minister. He chose Mr. Chirac.

Mr. Mitterrand defeated Mr. Chirac for the presidency in 1988 and later chose Mr. Chirac’s old friend Édouard Balladur as prime minister. Mr. Chirac remained as head of the Gaullists and mayor of Paris, but his career seemed thwarted.

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But in 1995, he made one of the most surprising comebacks in French politics. With polls showing Mr. Balladur likely to defeat the Socialist candidate, Lionel Jospin, Mr. Chirac kept campaigning, pointing out that Mr. Balladur had promised not to run for the presidency when he became prime minister.

Mr. Chirac began to look like a leader again, attacking Mr. Balladur for his record and Mr. Jospin for his ideology. He perfected, one analyst said, “the art of being vague,” and won the presidency.

His term opened with a clear design to improve France’s image and enhance its role as a world power. Mr. Chirac shook a righteous finger at Washington and London, telling them to be more resolute about sending troops to end the war in Bosnia. But he made it clear he bore no Gallic grudges against the United States.

“France is not worried about a powerful United States,” he said in an interview, in English. “In the world of today, it is a real necessity. I don’t like the idea of presenting Europe and the United States as competitors. We are partners.”

Nevertheless, that same year, 1995, he angered most of the world’s governments by announcing that France would conduct nuclear tests at the Mururoa Atoll in French Polynesia.

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After taking office, Mr. Chirac declared that he intended to reintegrate French military forces into the NATO structure, a project (which ultimately became bogged down) that the United States had wanted since de Gaulle removed them and kicked the NATO headquarters out of France in 1966.

Less than 10 years later, however, in a speech at the United Nations in New York, his foreign minister announced that France would not join the American-led coalition attacking Iraq and denounced the use of force.

Mr. Chirac’s ambivalent approach to Franco-American relations endured, though the United States’ expressions of solidarity over terrorism on French soil repaired some of the bonds that were attenuated by the war in Iraq.

Mr. Chirac was the first French leader to acknowledge that some French people were responsible for sending 75,000 Jews to death camps during World War II. Before his statement, in 1995, French leaders had said that only the Nazi occupiers bore responsibility.

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“These dark hours forever sully our history and are an insult to our past and our traditions,” Mr. Chirac said. “Yes, the criminal folly of the occupiers was seconded by the French, by the French state.”

Domestically, he announced cutbacks in social security benefits that led to weeks of strikes, which the French seemed to endure out of sympathy with the strikers. The cutbacks, Mr. Chirac argued, were needed if France was to meet European Union standards for participating in the unified currency system of the euro.

A few months after the strikes, polls showed him doing relatively well, impelling him to the worst mistake of his career: He called an early election in May 1997 to solidify the center-right’s control of the National Assembly, the lower house of Parliament. The Socialists won the legislative majority.

In 2002, disaffected by government scandals, French voters shocked the political establishment in the first round of presidential voting in April by giving Jean-Marie Le Pen, leader of the far-right National Front, a second-place finish with 16.9 percent of the vote. Mr. Chirac won 19.9 percent, and Mr. Jospin was third, with 16.2 percent.

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But Mr. Chirac easily won a May runoff election, with 82 percent, and his center-right allies won parliamentary elections in June.

After the 2002 victory, Mr. Chirac appointed as prime minister Jean-Pierre Raffarin, an affable regional leader but little known on the national stage. Under Mr. Raffarin, the National Assembly approved a law banning the wearing of Islamic head scarves and other religious symbols in public schools. Despite threats from Islamic extremists, who abducted two French journalists in Iraq, the law went into effect on Sept. 20, 2004.

The next year, in a national referendum, France turned its back on a half-century of European history by decisively rejecting a constitution for Europe, plunging the country into political disarray and jeopardizing both Mr. Chirac’s position and the cause of European unity.

Though many believed Mr. Chirac should have assumed full responsibility for the defeat and resigned, he resorted to an old French presidential ploy, ousting the affable but unpopular Mr. Raffarin and appointing his longtime protégé Dominique de Villepin as prime minister in an effort to restore confidence in the government.

In a televised address, Mr. Chirac said the top priority of the new government would be job creation, an acknowledgment that opposition to the constitution was motivated as much by anxiety over the French economy as it was by fears of an enlarged Europe.

Criticism of Mr. de Villepin’s appointment came swiftly, as the left and even some on the right said that Mr. Chirac was out of touch with his electorate. His approval ratings plummeted.

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In September 2005, Mr. Chirac had a stroke that affected his eyesight and put him in a hospital bed. Though he recovered and resumed his duties, he announced early in 2007 that he would not seek re-election. His law-and-order interior minister, Nicolas Sarkozy, succeeded him.

Mr. Chirac left a remarkable legacy in the form of the Quai Branly Museum, which was renamed the Quai Branly Jacques Chirac Museum in 2016. It holds an eclectic mix of art, sculptures and decorative pieces, many from France’s former colonies but also from pre-Columbian societies and early Japanese ones, for which Mr. Chirac had a passion.

At his death, he had largely disappeared from public view. He was hospitalized several times. He had “memory problems” and would no longer make public appearances, his wife said in 2014.

“I have had an interesting life, full of events, and I am happy with it,” he said in an interview in 2000. He dismissed any notion that there was a secret, private Jacques Chirac. Asked by a reporter, “Who is Jacques Chirac?,” he replied: “Basically, it’s of little importance who he is in private, intimate life. It is only the political personality that should interest us.”

He added: “When one assumes a political responsibility, the essential is that he makes himself understood. But if he can make himself loved, so much the better.”

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CreditPatrick Kovarik/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

James F. Clarity, a former Times correspondent, died in 2007. Alissa J. Rubin and Aurelien Breeden contributed reporting.

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https://www.nytimes.com/2019/09/26/obituaries/jacques-chirac-dead.html

2019-09-26 12:40:00Z
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Boris Johnson condemned as lawmakers receive death threats over Brexit - NBCNews.com

LONDON — Even by the febrile standards of British politics at the moment, Wednesday night reached new levels of division and turmoil.

The House of Commons — one of the most venerated democratic institutions in the world — descended into an atmosphere of vitriol and disbelief, as enemies and allies alike condemned language used by Prime Minister Boris Johnson as he continues in his quest to take the United Kingdom out of the European Union by Oct. 31.

During his brief leadership, Johnson has used words such as "surrender" and "betrayal" when referring to lawmakers who disagree his hard-line vision for Brexit. Johnson promises to take the country out of the E.U. without a divorce deal if necessary, which would threaten economic stability.

On Wednesday night this confrontational tone boiled over, with Johnson using the words "surrender act" 15 times — a reference to Brexit-softening legislation passed by his opponents, designed to prevent a "no-deal" scenario.

Politicians across the house condemned this language, which casts members of Parliament (M.P.s) as enemies of the people and echoing the countless death-threats they have received as the Brexit debate has intensified.

The heated debate came as:

  • The prime minister continues to be frustrated in his calls for a general election — two thirds of M.P.s need to agree to one before it can happen.

  • The U.K. is still due to automatically leave the E.U. on Oct. 31, but lawmakers have passed a bill obliging Johnson to ask for a three-month extension from Brussels. It's unclear whether he will.

  • Johnson prepares to travel to Brussels for a make-or-break E.U. summit on Oct. 17, where he hopes to seal a Brexit divorce agreement.

Labour Party lawmaker Paula Sherriff was among those to criticize the prime minister.Parliamentary Recording Unit / AFP - Getty Images

"There was an atmosphere in the chamber worse than any I've known than my 22 years in the House," John Bercow, speaker of the House of Commons, said early Thursday, declining to single out the prime minister specifically. "On both sides passions were inflamed, angry words were uttered, the culture was toxic."

In one of the angriest exchanges, opposition Labour Party lawmaker Paula Sherriff shouted at Johnson across the House of Commons, telling him that "he should be absolutely ashamed of himself."

She said: "We're subject to death threats and abuse every single day. And let me tell the prime minister that they often quote his words: 'surrender act,' 'betrayal,' 'traitor.'"

In calling for more moderate language Sherriff raised the death of Labour Party lawmaker Jo Cox a few days before the 2016 E.U. referendum. She was murdered in the street by a Nazi-supporting terrorist who shouted "Britain first" during the killing and called Cox a "traitor" during the subsequent trial.

Johnson responded, "I have to say, Mr Speaker, I've never heard such humbug in all my life."

Another Labour lawmaker, Jess Phillips, shared a death threat she had received that quoted a comment by Johnson, in which the prime minister said he would rather be "dead in a ditch" than fail to deliver Brexit by Oct. 31.

"I'm not scared of an election, I am scared I might be hurt or killed," she said in another post. Phillips revealed last year that she had received some 600 threats of rape in the space of 12 months.

Labour MP Jess PhillipsChris J Ratcliffe / Getty Images file

In October 2017, police foiled a plot from a neo-Nazi group to kill another Labour lawmaker, Rosie Cooper, with a replica Roman sword.

However, some political analysts believe Johnson's rhetoric is a deliberate attempt to position himself as a populist defender of "the people" against an elitist Parliament trying to betray them over Brexit, as the country heads towards a likely general election.

Labour Party M.P. Lisa Nandy agrees and told the House of Commons on Thursday: "We can see what the prime minister was doing with that horrendous, divisive language. We can see that this is a clear electoral strategy to whip up hate and to try to divide us, and to whip up the hate of people against Parliament."

Boris Johnson declined to apologize after the Supreme Court ruled his suspension of Parliament was unlawful.Jessica Taylor / AFP - Getty Images

Earlier this month Johnson caused uproar by suspending the legislature for five weeks, something his opponents decried as a cynical attempt to block them scrutinizing his Brexit plans.

On Tuesday the U.K.'s Supreme Court ruled unanimously that this suspension was unlawful, a humiliating defeat for Johnson that meant that Parliament's suspension was instantly reversed.

The prime minister cut short his trip to the United Nations General Assembly in New York, rushing back on a red-eye to London.

The atmosphere around Brexit has become so heated that in April this year police warned politicians to tone down their language or risk inciting violence.

The condemnation of Johnson's words did not just come from his opposition parties.

Nicky Morgan, a member of Johnson's own Cabinet, tweeted: "At a time of strong feelings we all need to remind ourselves of the effect of everything we say on those watching us."

Julian King, a senior member of the civil service, described the prime minister's language as "crass and dangerous." He posted to Twitter: "If you think extreme language doesn't fuel political violence across Europe, including the U.K., then you’re not paying attention."

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https://www.nbcnews.com/storyline/brexit-referendum/boris-johnson-condemned-lawmakers-receive-death-threats-over-brexit-n1058936

2019-09-26 12:11:00Z
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New Hampshire Dems fear blowback from impeachment inquiry: report - Fox News

New Hampshire Democrats said Wednesday that blowback from the impeachment inquiry in the House will only hurt their party’s presidential candidates and will mobilize President Trump’s base before the 2020 election.

“Of course, I want impeachment from a moral perspective,” Michael Ceraso, a former New Hampshire director for Pete Buttigieg’s presidential campaign, told Politico. "But from a political perspective, I don’t want to spend a year talking about how Democrats tried to impeach him and couldn’t pull it off.”

WHISTLEBLOWER COMPLAINT HAS BEEN DECLASSIFIED AND CONTAINS NO 'SURPRISES,' GOP LAWMAKER SAYS

“The Democrats become single-issue candidates, which weakens them," Ceraso said. He said the Democratic Party ought to focus on the 2020 ballot and would gain more ground if they instead put up a united front on electing Trump out of office.

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., launched a formal impeachment inquiry into Trump Tuesday evening. She specifically charged that the administration had violated the law by not turning over a whistleblower complaint concerning Trump's July telephone call with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky.

The White House released a transcript of the call Wednesday that showed Trump did seek an investigation into Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden’s family dealings in the country. The transcript did not demonstrate that Trump leveraged military aid to Ukraine to obtain a "promise" on the probe, as a widely cited report in The Washington Post had claimed. The full transcript has yet to be released.

“Although he’s certainly deserving of being impeached, I’m worried about what’s going to happen as a result of this,” Eric Swope, a Democratic voter from Harrisville, N.H., told the Boston Herald. “My fears are that his base will get all riled up. I’m afraid they’ll get all fired up.”

A Democratic strategist told Politico that impeachment hearings against former President Bill Clinton only bolstered his approval rating, quoting The Wire’s Omar Little in saying “‘If you come at the king, you best not miss.'” The strategist said if the outcome of the inquiry is anything less than overwhelming against Trump it will only create a “Mueller redux.”

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New Hampshire political science professor Dante Scala told the Boston Herald he anticipates the outcome of the Granite State poll to show similar numbers. He said if the House fails to impeach the president, the poll may show a “mild boost” in New Hampshire in favor of Trump.

“The key groups to keep an eye on are the more centrist independents who may have voted for Trump in 2016,” Scala told the Herald. “The worst-case scenario for Trump would be if those votes take a hit.” The New Hampshire Democratic primary is scheduled to take place on February 11, 2020.

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https://www.foxnews.com/politics/trump-impeachment-inquiry-new-hampshire-dems-fear-blowback-backfire-2020

2019-09-26 10:25:07Z
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Jacques Chirac, French President Who Championed European Identity, Is Dead at 86 - The New York Times

Jacques Chirac, who molded the legacy of Charles de Gaulle into a personal power base that made him one of the dominant leaders of France across three decades and a vocal advocate of European unity, has died. He was 86.

His death was confirmed on Thursday by the Fondation Chirac in Paris.

Mr. Chirac was elected to two consecutive terms as president, beginning in 1995, having already served as prime minister under centrist and Socialist presidents.

At his death, he was most remembered for his defiant stand against the United States-led war in Iraq, his ability to preside over a state in which power was divided between the left and the right — comity that is hardly imaginable today — and his championing the European Union.

His vision, he argued in 2000, was “not for a United States of Europe, but for a United Europe of States.”

Mr. Chirac had also been a highly visible mayor of Paris for 18 years, using that office as a springboard into national politics. Only years later would his mayoralty emerge as the source of a damaged reputation: In 2011, he was convicted of embezzlement and misusing public funds to finance his political party while running the city.

Historically, French politicians have seldom been tarnished by their financial peccadilloes, and that was the case with Mr. Chirac: He received a two-year suspended sentence, with his legacy largely intact. His presidency is generally recalled warmly in France, with many saying that he represented the nation well and in a manner that was “presidential.”

Pascal Perrineau, a professor of political science at the Paris School of International Affairs, a part of Sciences Po, said there were three main reasons for Mr. Chirac’s popularity. One was that he was able “to implant the idea of a president who is an ordinary person: a president who goes jogging, a president who rides a Vespa.”

“Second, he was able to bridge the left-right divide,” Professor Perrineau added. And third, “he presided over France in a relatively good time.”

To his opponents, Mr. Chirac — a tall, energetic, loquacious, but not quite eloquent man — was a political chameleon, able to adjust his policies according to his reading of what voters wanted (which did not make him much different from other French politicians of his day). But almost all agreed that he was basically a conservative, suspicious of the country’s powerful leftist labor unions and friendly to private enterprise.

As president, Mr. Chirac drifted away from a Gaullist belief in French self-sufficiency. Rather, he pressed hard for a new federal Europe, with the European Union assuming more and more power and, over time, eroding the sovereignty of member states.

His goal was the same as that of all post-World War II French leaders, including Charles de Gaulle and François Mitterrand: to prevent another war by hugging Germany — fraternally and self-protectively — in a tight economic and political union.

Yet when it came time to vote on a new constitution for Europe, a step that would have cemented the union, he did not campaign for it convincingly, and it lost in France, presaging the difficulties that the European Union would face in later years.

Before taking control of the Gaullist party in 1976, Mr. Chirac dallied with the Communist and Socialist Parties. But as an energetic young bureaucrat, he became the favorite of President Georges Pompidou, who had been de Gaulle’s anointed successor in 1969. A year earlier, Mr. Chirac had approved of the government crackdown on the student riots and the occupation of the Sorbonne, although he had no official role in it.

As mayor of Paris, starting in 1977, he had a spotlighted stage from which to begin a national political career. With a huge staff and budget, he kept the city humming with festivals and exhibitions.

He boasted of an array of international acquaintances, describing Saddam Hussein and the Chinese leader, Deng Xiaoping, as his friends. He often upstaged his own president or prime minister, welcoming prominent guests like Pope John Paul II, President Ronald Reagan and the Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev and giving lavish dinners at City Hall.

By the time he left the mayor’s office in 1995, there was increasing evidence that corruption and political skulduggery had been widespread during his tenure. But despite his later conviction in court, there were no allegations while he was in office that he had enriched himself. There were suspicions, however, that he must have been aware of the corrupt schemes of his associates, particularly of Jean Tiberi, who succeeded him as mayor.

Mr. Chirac had a ferocious temper. At a French-British summit meeting in 1988, when Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher sought a cut in French agricultural subsidies, her obstinacy prompted an obscene outburst from Mr. Chirac. Even French-speaking Britons in the room had to consult their dictionaries to determine just how gravely he had insulted her. The next day, the British tabloid The Sun demanded in a banner headline, “Say Sorry, Rude Frog!”

But it was an otherwise winning popular touch that endeared Mr. Chirac to the French. An article in the newspaper Libération, which was often critical of him, conceded, “Even those who do not like him can acknowledge that the president of the Republic is a warm, demonstrative man, quick to become involved in individual problems and to help those hit by trouble.”

Much of the work he did to help the handicapped, with foundations and facilities, went deliberately unpublicized. “He had this incredible capacity to be interested in other people,” Professor Perrineau said. “I saw him follow the dossier of people who were ill, and he never wanted them to know it.”

In 2000, Mr. Chirac wrote that “people more and more have the feeling that their governments are cut off from their daily lives.”

“That is why I travel as often as possible to all parts of France,” he added, “to listen to people about their worries, their hopes.”

Jacques René Chirac was born in the Latin Quarter of Paris on Nov. 29, 1932, a few years after his father, Abel, then a minor bank official, and his mother, Marie Louise Valette, had moved to the capital from a village in central France.

In Paris, as his father began to rise as a banker, Jacques, then an only child, was spoiled by his mother, whose first child had died in infancy eight years before Jacques’s birth. When he came home from school he would find a piece of candy she had left out for him, its wrapper already opened to save him the trouble. She would ask visitors to wear white shirts, believing they were less likely to carry germs into the house and imperil her son.

In their apartment on the fashionable Rue de Seine, his father, who thought Jacques was lazy at school, would force him to listen to readings from Marcel Pagnol, Charles Baudelaire and Victor Hugo. Jacques went on to an elite secondary school in St. Cloud, west of Paris.

By the start of World War II, his father was a key adviser to Marcel Bloch, a founder of the aircraft maker Dassault, which produced the Mystère and Mirage fighter planes.

In 1950, at 18, Jacques went to sea on a tramp steamer running coal between Dunkirk, France, and Algiers, the capital of the rebellious French colony of Algeria. Encouraged by the captain, he began studying to become a merchant marine officer. But a few months later, his father showed up at the Dunkirk dock and took him home to enter the National School of Political Science, one of France’s most prestigious colleges.

As a student, Mr. Chirac attended a summer course at Harvard in 1953 and worked at a Howard Johnson’s in Boston, starting as a dishwasher and working his way up to counterman. He became engaged to a Radcliffe woman, whose father wrote him an angry letter telling him, basically, to get lost. From there, Mr. Chirac went to California and Louisiana, writing a long paper on the Port of New Orleans.

On his return to Paris, he became engaged to his longtime girlfriend, Bernadette Chodron de Courcel, who was from a wealthy family in Corrèze, southwestern France. They were married, and she was later elected a regional councilor.

Their younger daughter, Claude, became her father’s communications director when he won the presidency. Mrs. Chirac and Claude survive, as does a grandson. An elder daughter, Laurence, died in April 2016 after at least one suicide attempt.

In the late 1950s, Mr. Chirac attended the National School of Administration, which has produced several prime ministers, and did well there. He then obtained an army commission and became a lieutenant in charge of a unit of 32 men that saw combat in the Algerian war for independence. In one instance he helped rescue an ambushed unit.

The war was a defining experience. “For me,’’ he said in 1975, “it was a time of very great freedom” adding, “involved in the life of the men I commanded, it was the only time I had the feeling of command.”

Back in civilian life, he took a job in the main government accounting office, where he caught the attention of Mr. Pompidou, then the prime minister. He called Mr. Chirac “my bulldozer.”

“If I told Chirac that this tree is putting me in the shade,” he said, “he would cut it down in five minutes.”

By 1974, Mr. Chirac had become a member of Parliament and a rising star in the faltering Gaullist party, which had been leaderless since the retirement of de Gaulle in 1969.

President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, a centrist, made Mr. Chirac prime minister, heading a government coalition of rightist and centrist parties. But the style of the two clashed. Mr. Giscard d’Estaing was an aristocratic intellectual, Mr. Chirac a less-polished, hard-driving politician. He quit as prime minister in 1976 and began his own march toward the presidency.

The first task was to weaken Mr. Giscard d’Estaing. He did this by competing with him for right-center votes in the first round of the 1981 presidential election. The split helped elect the Socialist candidate, Mr. Mitterrand, who served two seven-year terms, until 1994.

Mr. Mitterrand’s ambitious socialist agenda, including nationalizing banks and major industries, largely failed, leading the center-right to take control of the national legislature in 1986. Mr. Mitterrand was forced to name a center-right prime minister. He chose Mr. Chirac.

Mr. Mitterrand defeated Mr. Chirac for the presidency in 1988 and later chose Mr. Chirac’s old friend Édouard Balladur as prime minister. Mr. Chirac remained as head of the Gaullists and mayor of Paris, but his career seemed thwarted.

But in 1995, he made one of the most surprising comebacks in French politics. With polls showing Mr. Balladur likely to defeat the Socialist candidate, Lionel Jospin, Mr. Chirac kept campaigning, pointing out that Mr. Balladur had promised not to run for the presidency when he became prime minister.

Mr. Chirac began to look like a leader again, attacking Mr. Balladur for his record and Mr. Jospin for his ideology. He perfected, one analyst said, “the art of being vague,” and won the presidency.

His term opened with a clear design to improve France’s image and enhance its role as a world power. Mr. Chirac shook a righteous finger at Washington and London, telling them to be more resolute about sending troops to end the war in Bosnia. But he made it clear he bore no Gallic grudges against the United States.

“France is not worried about a powerful United States,” he said in an interview, in English. “In the world of today, it is a real necessity. I don’t like the idea of presenting Europe and the United States as competitors. We are partners.”

Nevertheless, that same year, 1995, he angered most of the world’s governments by announcing that France would conduct nuclear tests at the Mururoa Atoll in French Polynesia.

After taking office, Mr. Chirac declared that he intended to reintegrate French military forces into the NATO structure, a project (which ultimately became bogged down) that the United States had wanted since de Gaulle removed them and kicked the NATO headquarters out of France in 1966.

Less than 10 years later, however, in a speech at the United Nations in New York, his foreign minister announced that France would not join the American-led coalition attacking Iraq and denounced the use of force.

Mr. Chirac’s ambivalent approach to Franco-American relations endured, though the United States’ expressions of solidarity over terrorism on French soil repaired some of the bonds that were attenuated by the war in Iraq.

Mr. Chirac was the first French leader to acknowledge that some French people were responsible for sending 75,000 Jews to death camps during World War II. Before his statement, in 1995, French leaders had said that only the Nazi occupiers bore responsibility.

“These dark hours forever sully our history and are an insult to our past and our traditions,” Mr. Chirac said. “Yes, the criminal folly of the occupiers was seconded by the French, by the French state.”

Domestically, he announced cutbacks in social security benefits that led to weeks of strikes, which the French seemed to endure out of sympathy with the strikers. The cutbacks, Mr. Chirac argued, were needed if France was to meet European Union standards for participating in the unified currency system of the euro.

A few months after the strikes, polls showed him doing relatively well, impelling him to the worst mistake of his career: He called an early election in May 1997 to solidify the center-right’s control of the National Assembly, the lower house of Parliament. The Socialists won the legislative majority.

In 2002, disaffected by government scandals, French voters shocked the political establishment in the first round of presidential voting in April by giving Jean-Marie Le Pen, leader of the far-right National Front, a second-place finish with 16.9 percent of the vote. Mr. Chirac won 19.9 percent, and Mr. Jospin was third, with 16.2 percent.

But Mr. Chirac easily won a May runoff election, with 82 percent, and his center-right allies won parliamentary elections in June.

After the 2002 victory, Mr. Chirac appointed as prime minister Jean-Pierre Raffarin, an affable regional leader but little known on the national stage. Under Mr. Raffarin, the National Assembly approved a law banning the wearing of Islamic head scarves and other religious symbols in public schools. Despite threats from Islamic extremists, who abducted two French journalists in Iraq, the law went into effect on Sept. 20, 2004.

The next year, in a national referendum, France turned its back on a half-century of European history by decisively rejecting a constitution for Europe, plunging the country into political disarray and jeopardizing both Mr. Chirac’s position and the cause of European unity.

Though many believed Mr. Chirac should have assumed full responsibility for the defeat and resigned, he resorted to an old French presidential ploy, ousting the affable but unpopular Mr. Raffarin and appointing his longtime protégé Dominique de Villepin as prime minister in an effort to restore confidence in the government.

In a televised address, Mr. Chirac said the top priority of the new government would be job creation, an acknowledgment that opposition to the constitution was motivated as much by anxiety over the French economy as it was by fears of an enlarged Europe.

Criticism of Mr. de Villepin’s appointment came swiftly, as the left and even some on the right said that Mr. Chirac was out of touch with his electorate. His approval ratings plummeted.

In September 2005, Mr. Chirac had a stroke that affected his eyesight and put him in a hospital bed. Though he recovered and resumed his duties, he announced early in 2007 that he would not seek re-election. His law-and-order interior minister, Nicolas Sarkozy, succeeded him.

Mr. Chirac left a remarkable legacy in the form of the Quai Branly Museum, which was renamed the Quai Branly Jacques Chirac Museum in 2016. It holds an eclectic mix of art, sculptures and decorative pieces, many from France’s former colonies but also from pre-Columbian societies and early Japanese ones, for which Mr. Chirac had a passion.

At his death, he had largely disappeared from public view. He was hospitalized several times. He had “memory problems” and would no longer make public appearances, his wife said in 2014.

“I have had an interesting life, full of events, and I am happy with it,” he said in an interview in 2000. He dismissed any notion that there was a secret, private Jacques Chirac. Asked by a reporter, “Who is Jacques Chirac?,” he replied: “Basically, it’s of little importance who he is in private, intimate life. It is only the political personality that should interest us.”

He added: “When one assumes a political responsibility, the essential is that he makes himself understood. But if he can make himself loved, so much the better.”

James F. Clarity, a former Times correspondent, died in 2007. Alissa J. Rubin and Aurelien Breeden contributed reporting.

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https://www.nytimes.com/2019/09/26/obituaries/jacques-chirac-dead.html

2019-09-26 10:12:00Z
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Kurt Volker, Trump's part-time Ukraine envoy, played role in Giuliani outreach - NBC News

WASHINGTON — After President Donald Trump asked Ukraine’s president to work with his personal attorney, Rudy Giuliani, on a possible corruption investigation into former Vice President Joe Biden, the Ukrainians turned to another American to facilitate the introduction: Ambassador Kurt Volker, Trump’s part-time envoy for Ukraine.

“Ambassador Volker called me,” Giuliani told NBC News in an interview Wednesday night.

Although Volker has mostly stayed under the radar since taking the job in 2017, his unusual arrangement as Trump’s special representative for Ukraine negotiations is attracting new attention amid revelations of his role in the ongoing Ukraine saga.

An unpaid volunteer, Volker spends most of his time engaged in outside projects, including his work at a Washington lobbying firm that continued to represent the Government of Ukraine for almost two years after Volker started as special envoy.

Volker’s role in the most recent controversy came to light as Giuliani tried to cast his efforts as fully coordinated and even prompted by the State Department.

The State Department has acknowledged that it was Volker who put Giuliani “in direct contact” with Andriy Yermak, a top adviser to Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskiy. That introduction ultimately led to a meeting between Yermak and Giuliani in Spain.

But the State Department insists that Giuliani “does not speak on behalf of the U.S. government” and that he “acts in a personal capacity” as Trump’s lawyer. The State Department wouldn’t say why Volker made the introduction, other than that the Ukrainian aide requested it.

In his interview with NBC News, Giuliani said that Volker called him in late July — right around the time of Trump’s phone call with Zelensky — and asked if it was all right to give Giuliani’s number to the Zelensky’s aide.

“I was in a unique position to help with some of the things the State Department was working on,” Giuliani said. He declined to say what it was, stating that it was “privileged,” but said it related to “corruption in the Ukraine — and not only about Biden.”

Sept. 25, 201902:12

Giuliani then met with Yermak in Spain during what the former New York mayor described as a previously scheduled trip for other reasons.

He said he spoke to Yermak by phone on two instances after that and reported back to the State Department after all three interactions.“They sent me a closing text saying, ‘Thank you very much for your help,’” Giuliani said.

He said he did not receive a security clearance to meet with the Ukrainian aide in Spain.

And Giuliani told NBC News that he wasn’t contacted in April, after an earlier call that month between Trump and his Ukrainian counterpart. "I don't have any recollection of anyone reaching out to me in reference to that call," he said, "nor do I recall anything unusual happening."

Giuliani’s unorthodox involvement in U.S.-Ukraine relations has illustrated how diplomacy with Ukraine during the Trump administration has been handled by a hodgepodge of various officials whose lines of authority are sometimes unclear. Although the U.S. had an ambassador to Ukraine, Trump recalled her in May, and in his July call with Zelenskiy, he described her as “bad news.”

Volker, by law, can only spend about one-third of his time working for the U.S. government, owing to his status as a “Special Government Employee.” That category, designed to enable private sector workers with particular expertise to serve the government temporarily, limits Volker to no more than 130 days out of any 365-day period spent on his Ukraine envoy duties.

Volker has been in the role since July 2017. Former Secretary of State Rex Tillerson tasked the veteran U.S. diplomat with continuing efforts “to achieve peace in Ukraine.” His qualifications for the job were substantial: a former ambassador to NATO, he had served in top roles on European affairs in the White House, the State Department and for the late Sen. John McCain.

“At least in the beginning, it felt like he was injecting some new life into the process,” said Andrea Kendall-Taylor, a top U.S. intelligence officer for Russia who left the administration in May. “He brought a lot of energy and enthusiasm and was really active in the region.”

But since joining the Trump administration, Volker has stayed equally busy with other projects. In addition to the Ukraine job, he’s retained roles as head of the McCain Institute for International Leadership and on the board of directors for CG Funds Trust, a mutual fund whose portfolio includes overseas holdings.

He’s also continued to work as a “senior international adviser” at his old lobbying firm, BGR Group, whose website touts Volker’s “deep European experience and relationships at the top levels of the trans-Atlantic diplomatic and policy communities.”

BGR Group’s lobbying clients include numerous foreign governments, including Somalia and Bahrain. The group worked for Saudi Arabia until terminating the contract last year after the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi, lobbying records show.

The firm, founded by former Mississippi Gov. Haley Barbour, also continued to work for Ukraine long after Volker became the special representative. Ukraine’s government paid BGR Group $600,000 in 2017 for work on behalf of the National Reforms Council of Ukraine, under the Ukrainian presidency, and another $300,000 in 2018, Senate records show.

In fact, Volker’s firm did not stop working for the Ukraine government until this year, when the government changed after Zelenskiy’s election.

Sept. 25, 201903:24

There are no indications of impropriety by Volker or evidence that his work at BGR Group has involved Ukraine, which would be prohibited under criminal conflicts of interest laws. Still, ethics experts said the highly unusual arrangement risks the appearance of impropriety unless Volker and the government took concrete steps to avoid potential conflicts of interest.

“This would make me very nervous,” said Virginia Canter, a former White House ethics lawyer in the Obama and Clinton administrations now at the group Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington. “It’s pretty sticky.”

Volker did not respond to inquiries from NBC News, but the State Department has said previously he serves “in an unpaid capacity” and “has recused himself from all Ukraine-related matters in his other work.” A department spokeswoman said Volker “is aware of and has complied with the conflict of interest rules.”

Still, the State Department declined to elaborate on what steps Volker and the department’s lawyers took to avoid conflicts, or to say how much time Volker spends working for the government and whether the State Department feels a part-time Ukraine envoy is sufficient given escalating tensions with Russia.

The State Department also would not comment on why Volker’s official biography says he “previously served” at BGR Group. Volker’s bio on the State Department website does not mention he’s still actively employed by BGR Group.

In December 2017, months after Volker started as the Ukraine representative, the Trump administration agreed to sell lethal weapons to Ukraine including Javelin anti-tank missiles. In his June call with Trump, the Ukrainian president told Trump he was “almost ready” to buy even more Javelins from the U.S. — just before Trump interjected to say he would “like you to do us a favor, though” — investigate Biden.

Massachusetts-based Raytheon makes the Javelin missiles in partnership with Lockheed Martin. Raytheon is also a client of BGR Group, which lobbied for the defense contractor on “defense appropriations and authorizations” for more than a decade. Senate records show Raytheon paid BGR Group about $120,000 per year until ending the contract at the end of 2018.

BGR Group would not say what accounts Volker works on or whether any firewall was set up to ensure no overlap between the group’s work for the Government of Ukraine and Volker’s work as the U.S. special representative. Jeff Birnbaum, president of BGR Public Relations, said the firm had no comment.

Ambassador Dan Fried, the former top U.S. diplomat for Europe who was Volker’s boss for years at White House National Security Council and the State Department, said Volker is the rare diplomat who has credibility with Ukrainian and other European officials despite “this administration’s track record on things Russia and the doubts you could expect.” He called Volker “tough on Russia” and “strong on NATO.”

“Kurt doesn’t have a confrontational style, but he has a style of clarity. He won’t obfuscate, he will cut to the chase,” Fried said. “The Russians really cannot stand being patronized and lectured to. He doesn’t do that. He’s just clear.”

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https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/trump-impeachment-inquiry/kurt-volker-trump-s-part-time-ukraine-envoy-played-role-n1058871

2019-09-26 10:20:00Z
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